Bacalar, Quintana Roo — An exclusive interview with Henrich Schmidt, delegate of the Mennonite community of Salamanca, located in the municipality of Bacalar, sheds light on the life of this community and the surrounding environmental conflict. Founded in 2003 with the arrival of approximately 400 families from Germany, the Netherlands, the United States, and Belize (specifically from the Corozal region), the community settled on legally acquired ejido lands. Schmidt emphasized that they have remained on the same property since their arrival.
A Glimpse into Salamanca
To reach the Mennonite settlement, known as Salamanca, one must travel about seven kilometers along a poorly maintained dirt road outside Bacalar’s urban area.
Upon arrival, vast cultivated fields stretch to the horizon, alongside houses built in a German architectural style. Well-maintained gardens, tractors, farming equipment, and warehouses reflect a meticulously planned and orderly environment. Men, women, and children travel in horse-drawn carriages, their distinctive clothing setting them apart from Bacalar’s local residents.
Internal Organization and Traditions
Life in Salamanca follows strict internal organization. Education is provided in community-run schools, with teachers from within the group, prioritizing agricultural training. While young people can pursue external studies, such as at Bacalar’s teacher training college, the community does not encourage it, favoring early involvement in farming.
Their religion, described as "apostolic," differs from Catholic and Evangelical practices, adhering to the principles of the apostles. The community operates under its own laws, and violations of customs are punished with expulsion from the religion—though not from the community. Family structure is based on monogamy, with an average of 3 to 12 children per family.
Environmental Conflict and Farming Practices
The central theme of the interview revolved around recent accusations of environmental devastation. Schmidt explained that land preparation for planting began gradually in 2003 through mechanized clearing. He asserted that they had informed authorities from the outset that deforestation would occur incrementally, similar to practices by indigenous groups in the area.
The community cultivates approximately 4,000 hectares, yielding between 3,000 and 4,000 tons of beans annually and double that in corn. Schmidt denied receiving official notifications from the Federal Attorney for Environmental Protection (PROFEPA) regarding the closure of properties due to the alleged destruction of over 1,500 hectares of jungle in the municipalities of José María Morelos and Othón P. Blanco. Though he had heard rumors of a ruling, he dismissed them as "stress" and maintained that the land has remained unchanged for years, with no recent clearing activities.
Regarding agricultural practices, Schmidt explained the use of fumigants, stating that suppliers hold the necessary permits. Herbicides, he noted, are applied to weeds rather than directly to the soil to protect fertility and ensure annual crop productivity.
Economic and Political Independence
The community sustains itself economically through crop sales, though Schmidt lamented declining harvest prices. Infrastructure, including access roads, is self-funded. While members possess voter IDs, they do not participate in elections.
Schmidt highlighted a positive relationship with the Mexican government, stating they face no work restrictions and have no complaints. Their primary language is Plautdietsch, a German-derived dialect. Travel abroad is limited, and tourism is uncommon among members.
A Complex Reality
The interview reveals a complex reality in Salamanca. While the community projects self-sufficiency and strong internal organization, the environmental dispute persists. The discrepancy between Schmidt’s account of gradual, legal deforestation and PROFEPA’s reports of significant devastation calls for deeper investigation. The lack of official notification to the community about the ruling raises questions about legal processes and communication between authorities and the Mennonites.
This community, which has settled in states like Quintana Roo, Campeche, and Yucatán in recent decades—and earlier in northern Mexico—stands out for its culture, internal governance, and religious practices. Their focus on agriculture and self-reliance is evident, but the sustainability of their farming methods, particularly regarding fumigants and potential deforestation, requires evaluation. Their political non-participation, despite holding voter credentials, reflects independence from Mexico’s political system.
The Need for Further Investigation
Schmidt’s account offers an internal perspective but does not fully resolve the environmental conflict. Mexican environmental authorities must rigorously assess the agricultural practices of this and other Mennonite communities in relation to national environmental laws.
The lack of transparency in PROFEPA’s notifications and the conflicting narratives demand effective mediation to address the dispute and ensure environmental protection. A comprehensive investigation incorporating input from environmental authorities, neighboring indigenous communities, and other stakeholders is necessary to determine the true environmental impact of the Mennonite community’s activities in Salamanca and other Yucatán Peninsula settlements.
Recent Actions by PROFEPA
Earlier in July, PROFEPA announced the closure of several properties spanning approximately 2,500 hectares in Yucatán, Campeche, and Quintana Roo, belonging to Mennonite communities, due to deforestation violating current regulations.
Civil organizations and ejido landowners in Quintana Roo have alleged that in Bacalar alone, Mennonites have devastated around 60,000 hectares of jungle without timely intervention from environmental authorities.
The situation underscores the urgent need for scientific evaluation and balanced dialogue to reconcile agricultural livelihoods with ecological preservation in the region.
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